“Effects of The Demographical Investments After 1990 and Policy of Mandatory Working in Eastern Provinces For Public Personnel on The Kurdish Issue” the purpose of the study called for nearly a century, including the Republic of Turkey is to identify some of the causes of the problem on the Kurdish minority, which continues in the Middle East.
Before starting work on the subject, a detailed research was carried out. This study, which is an introduction to the study, led to the emergence of important elements related to the Kurdish issue. As a result of the literature review, general concepts about the subject were determined. After explaining the general concepts determined, the ways of approaching various groups to the problem were discussed.
Various tools have been used to achieve the above mentioned objectives. The first tool used is the Human Development Index, which is determined within the framework of the United Nations Development Program. Index, provinces and regions of the Republic of Turkey was determined by years of disparities within countries examined in private. Starting from 1990, annual investment programs prepared by the State Planning Office, Ministry of Development and Presidency of Republic of Turkey Strategy and Budget Office were analyzed. Then, between 1993 and 2016, the list of terrorist attacks carried out by organizations affiliated with the Kurdish ethnicity was issued. It was concluded by associating the demographic investments and the political environment in the periods when the attacks were concentrated and decreased. Considering that the only reason for the terrorist attacks cannot be demographic investments, the results of the general elections held since 1991 were also used to support the research. The effects of ceasefire and resolution processes announced by the parties at certain periods are also included in the research. In order to determine the effects of the mandatory duty application for civil servants, interviews were conducted with forty people from different regions who met different qualifications. The information obtained as a result of the interviews were analyzed and inferences about the application were made. The dates on which the mandatory mandate was put into effect was determined and the effect on the terrorist incidents experienced in that period was examined.
Considering all the results obtained, an analysis of the problem was carried out. In line with the researches, the solutions envisaged in order for the issue to end peacefully are included at the end of the study.
Key WordsKurdish Issue, Demographic Investments, Mandotary Working, Ethnic Identity, Nationalism, Minority Issue, Terrorism
Kurdish issue is a social problem of etchnic origin which seen in eastern Turkey, northern Syria, northern Iraq and western Iran. There are various opinions about the source of the problem and solutions. Before examination of effects of the demographical investments after 1990 and policy of mandatory working in eastern provinces for public personnel on the Kurdish issue, the general opinions about Kurdish issue will be examined.
Ethnic identity is a concept should be examined before starting to research on Kurdish issue. Social identities are important instruments for explain what individuals are. Although each individual has his/her own characteristics, everyone has similiraties with others. According to Nurullah Altun, identity concept has functions of both simulation and differentiation. Altun divides identity to two concepts when examining identity perception: identity as an otherizing concept and identity as a concept that excludes others.
One of the opinions which takes identity as an otherizing concept is belong to Mehmet A. Kılıçbay. Kılıçbay put forward that identity concept is making structures which are formed by monotype members and otherizing others. Because of this he said that the concept of ‘belonging’ should be used rather than identity. Mehmet Anık says that constructing an identity on cultural, religious or ethnic fundamentals most of the time concludes with exclude the others. Amartya Sen takes attention on effects of identity concepts on formation of social problems in his book, Identity and Violence:
‘One of the main sources of conflict potential in today’s world is the assumption that people can be divided into their own categories based on religion or culture.’Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence. trans. Ahmet Kardam. (Istanbul: Optimist Yayınları, 2010), 115-116.
People who takes identity as a concept that excludes others say that essence of the identiy is promlem and tend to reduction to one. Oğuz Adanır takes Europe’s isolation from rest of the world as en example, resulting in excluding other identities. According to Adanır, Enlightenment and Industrial Revolution caused an European opinion which sees others uncivilized.
Two approaches thinking identity concept causes social problems are like that. Formation of Kurdish identity in Turkey is a concept for investigation after identity concept which causes likely problems all over the world. At this point sources to look for are researches on thtt Kurdish history and origin of the Kurds.
Two fundemantal opinions about Kurdish history attract the attention. One of these opinions shows that the Kurds are one of the ancient and indigenous peoples of the Mesopotamia. Aytekin Gezici explains that in his book, Kurdish History:
‘The Kurds are one of the oldest and indigenous peoples of Upper Mesopotamia, and not a tribe that lived in the geopraphy strectching from Taurus Mountains to Zagros Mountains, and then settled in this region.’Aytekin Gezici, Kürt Tarihi. (Ankara: Tutku Yayınevi, 2015), 36.
Gezici reports that the Kurdish term is of Sumerian origin and that they are called ‘Kurdi’. Also according to Gezici, the Kurds lived around Tigris-Euphrates in 2000 BC.
Another basic view is that which rejects Kurdish history and Kurdish identity. Saying that Kurdish history was handled by many people in the 20th century, Ali Tayyar Önder says that the reason for this situation is an effor to create a new element that will serve its own interests in the rich Middle East geography of the West. An another person who rejects Kurdish, Orhan Türkdoğan explains his opinion:
‘It is not to possible to speak of a Kurdish identity and Kurdistan soil in history. Because there is a no mention of a people based on historical documents that determine the Kurdish race or lineage. It is due to Arab geographers gave Kurdistan name to a geographical settlement.’Orhan Türkdoğan, Türkiye’nin Etnik Yapısı, (Konya: Çizgi Kitabevi, 2013), 172.
Perspectives on the Kurdish issue basically overlap with perspectives over Kurdish history. While addressing the Kurdish issue, some of the researchers fed from these historical theses were intented to produce solutions to problem, while others refused the problem. İsmail Beşikçi who compiled solution proposals about Kurdish history in his book named ‘Eastern Anatolia’s Order: Socio-economic and Ethnic Basics’ in 1969 writes about four basic approaches. These are:
- Eastern problem is closely related to problems in northern Iraq. Danger knocked on the door. With all kinds of measures (assimilation, pressure, exile) Eastern problem should be solved.
- The problem is completely ethnic. If we had the opportunity to read and write in Kurdish and we had stations that broadcast in Kurdish, there would be no problem.
- There is no Eastern problem. If we look after with Eastern provinces more, we develop our ‘Dear Eastern Anatolia’.
- There are undoubtedly ethnic aspects of the Eastern problem. But if we destroy the agha, the sheikh, the western collaborators with a socialist practice, the problem will be solved.
When the source of issue searched another concept should be looked is the demographical characteristics of Kurdish people, their language and approaches to these concepts. In the report named Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia Issue, belonging to Nationalist Working Party (MÇP) , claimed that there is no seperate language named Kurdish but it is a version of Ottoman Turkish . After the 1980-1983 term, when the Kurdish language banned and state officially rejected the existence of Kurdish language, formation of Kurdish Workers Party (Partiye Karkerên Kurdistan/PKK) in 1984 shows us effect of language policies on the issue.
A report prepared by SETA (Political, Economical and Social Researchs Foundation) approaches to Kurdish issue summarized in political view. According to this report left wing parties (Social Democrat People’s Party/SHP and Republican People’s Party/CHP ) prepared direct reports about issue in the term of 1990-2000. These reports predicts anti-democratic policies are the basic reason for Kurdish issue. It is stated that reforming he constitution, the law of local governments and the judicial system and respecting cultures will contribute to the solution of the problem. In the 2000s, a change occured in the CHP approach and the tradition of writing reports ended. CHP’s after this period was focused on public order and identity. Bülent Ecevit and the Democratic Left Party (DSP) argued that the problem was not born of ethnic origin and was due to the difference in development.
In the approach of the right wing parties to the problem, the understanding that bad management practises should end. It is predicted that the problem will be solved if the state-citizen-distance is decreased and economic development is achieved. Especially in the approach of the Motherland Party (ANAP) , Turgut Özal and liberalism had an effect. On the other hand, the National Opinion tradition has said that there should not be a policy that denies the existence of Kurdish in its approach to the problem. According to this approach, the state of emergency and the village guard system should be abolished and excessive centralism should be abondoned. It is thought that the acceptance of the social, political and cultural rights of the Kurds and their equality as other citizens will conttribbute to the solution of the problem.
A denial policy was observed in the approach of the nationalist parties. The use of the concept of the Kurdish issue was rejected and the issue was perceived as a terror problem. In the MÇP’s report it was claimed that the Kurds were of Turkish origin. This report summarizes the approach of the nationalist parties to the issue.
The approach of the Kurdish political parties has been to see the source of the problem as Turkish nationalism. In this approach, claim that there is a policy of denial and destruction, it is argued that the society should be combined in a upper identity as citizen of Republic of Turkey.
The approach of Justice and Development Party (AKP) , which has been in power for nearly twenty years, is similar to approach of Turgut Özal and the Nationalist Opinion. According to this approach, democratic rights should be deeped, economic inequalities should be eliminated and cultural rights should be recognized.
Research on the impact of demographic investments in approaches to the Kurdish issue is focused on Democratic Party (DP) . DP did not deal with the Eastern problem with the logic of public order and made large public works and zoning investments in the region. Due to the partial normalization seen in the DP period, one of the effective solutions; it can be said that it has a policy of providing equal citizenship rights, equal economic opportunities and equal demographic development.
The basic views on the concept of ethnic identity; the history, origin and language of the Kurds, and the ideologies and parties’ approach to the issue were determined as above.
Turkey’s eastern regions as shown in Graph 1; Ankara, the capital city, Istanbul, and an average of 7-8 years behind the country average. Although the geographical conditions had a great effect on this situation, the policies pursued by the governments in various periods have also been effective. When considering the region’s cultural and demographic as to have a different structure than the rest of Turkey emerges from a deep ravine in the country.
Economic development basically depends on human development. Economic development cannot be observed in areas where development cannot be achieved in areas such as health, education, income level and transportation facilities. The limited training opportunities, in particular, prevent the emergence of skilled workforce and cause the region’s average income and production capacity to remain low.
One of the main sources of the problems experienced in Turkey’s eastern regions this immaturity. When the data in Graph 1 are analyzed, it is understood that the eastern provinces were put into the second plan in general although there were visible leaps in certain periods. especially the significant increase in power of liberal and right-wing parties in infrastructure investments in Turkey were observed. Turgut Ozal and Motherland Party (ANAP) rule are among these periods when privatizations increase and guarantees are given to free markets. When the data on the Human Development Index are analyzed, a small scale decline is observed after 1993. It is clear that the death of President Turgut Ozal and the instability of the coalition governments of the 1990s caused this fluctuation. It can be said that the influence of Turgut Ozal and ANAP has been broken, especially since the 1991 elections, the Ozal influence in
the eastern regions.
As can be seen on Map 1, left-wing parties started to be active in 1991 in the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions, where the Kurdish population densely lived. This is an indication that the Kurdish problem has an ideological identity despite its demographic investment deficiencies. When the general election results between 1991-2015 are analyzed, it is observed that the left parties with Kurdish identity are effective in the regions where the Kurdish population lives, after the left parties in the first period and after the removal of the party closures.
In the investment plans included in the five-year development plans, investment priority was given to the eastern regions in many fields, especially agriculture. When the United Nations reports are analyzed, it is understood that the development is insufficient despite the investments made. When Chart 1 is analyzed, the low rate of development of eastern regions in the decade between 1990-2000 is noticed.
When Table 1 is analyzed, the first development problem for the eastern regions stands out in the field of education. When the education index is examined, it can be said that almost half of the development between 1990-2000. In the post-2000 period, there is a serious difference even in 2015. When the expected reading year and the reading year data are analyzed, the quality of the demographic investments made is open to discussion. While the school stay expected in Northeast Anatolia in 1990 is 8 years, the actual time is only 3 years. In addition to the similar differences in Istanbul and Ankara, the difference in the eastern regions has been proportionally higher. It is clear that the source of this problem in education in the eastern regions is cultural. When the income index in Table 1 is examined, it will be seen that there is no big difference between east and west. The reason for education problems in the region is not income inequality or low. Achieving economic development on the axis of agriculture and animal husbandry caused the data to be this way. When the investment programs prepared between 1990 and 2000 are examined, it is seen that the weighted share is given to agriculture. It is understood that the vast majority of the population works in the agricultural sector and the large workforce required leads to a delay in the school period of the region.
When the health and income indices are analyzed, it is observed that a good result has been obtained despite the lag in education. Since 1990, the region’s health and income scores have been measured very close to the country average. Although the investments made have provided the region to a certain extent and develop the country average, it has not been able to provide cultural and political transformation. Data such as education indexes, fertility rates, and population working in agriculture lead us to this result.
When Table 2 is examined, the investments that Diyarbakır, Mardin and Şanlıurfa have received within 15 years are seen. Investment increases of up to 80 times in 15 years have been observed in the region. When the period between 2000-2015 is analyzed in Chart 1, the human development index of the eastern regions is very close to the central provinces such as Istanbul and Ankara.
As a result, when the 25-30 year period is analyzed, although decreases were observed on certain dates, it was observed that the investment in the eastern regions was kept high constantly. In this context, the general area of the Republic of Turkey is looking for a solution to the Kurdish problem developing the region, some governments are said to use the military option in addition violently. When looking at the quarter-century period as a whole, it can be said that adequate development has not been achieved in the eastern regions.
ELECTION RESULTS & THE POLITICAL ATTITUDE OF THE KURDS
As can be seen in Map 1, the political position of the Kurdish origin voters in the eastern regions was on the left axis in 1991. Although the effects of conservative and liberal parties are observed in provinces such as Bitlis, Siirt and Van, there is an open left turn in provinces such as Diyarbakır, Mardin and Şırnak. This situation is caused by the reaction against nationalism. With the birth of Kurdish political figures and the establishment of parties in the following years, this reaction became more evident.
When Map 2 is examined, it is seen that while the SHP is being deleted from the political arena, conservative parties and Kurdish parties fill the gap. The votes of citizens of Kurdish origin in the East began to be divided between conservative parties and left parties with a Kurdish identity. Kurdish nationalism, which already exists in some segments, has begun to take its place among these Kurdish identity parties with the effect of increasing Turkish nationalism.
Turkish nationalism, which started to rise after 1995, showed itself in the 1999 elections. A decrease was observed again in the early 2000s and it has been determined that the Turkish nationalism has increased with the effect of the refugee crises since 2010. Especially in the new alliances with the changing election system, the ruling party AK Party’s union with the MHP has paved the way for the strengthening of nationalism.
As can be seen in Map 3, the 1999 elections have been an important victory for the Nationalist Movement Party. When looking at the eastern regions, it is understood that DEHAP prevailed in the regions where conservative parties won in 1994. Considering that the votes of MHP decreased rapidly in the next elections, it can be said that this DEHAP rise in 1999 was a reaction against the rising Turkish nationalism.
In the years that followed, the 1999 earthquake hit industrial areas, the 2001 economic crisis, and the instability of long-standing coalition governments pushed society to support a new political formation. With the establishment of the AK Party in 2001, voters who did not have an ideological basis scattered in various parties started to support this new political formation. The Kurdish-origin voters of the Welfare Party’s conservative, Right Way Party and the Motherland Party’s liberal, Democratic People’s Party, which can be considered neutral, have adopted the new party. Thus, a dominant AK Party victory manifested itself in the 2002 elections in Central Anatolia and Eastern Anatolia. In the West, Bülent Ecevit’s DSP was heavily disrupted after the economic crisis. While the Kemalist voter, who reacted to the DSP, was shifting to the CHP, the DSP voter, who had no ideological base in the middle, preferred the AK Party. In this way, the 18-year uninterrupted Ak Party and Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government, which continued today with the 2002 elections, began. Said situation can also be clearly seen on Map 4.
In the 2007 general elections in Turkey a very different picture emerged. Except for the Kemalist in the left, Turkish nationalist in the right and the Kurdish nationalist in the east, all the votes that can be counted in the middle were used for the AK Party. The absence of any Kurdish party allowed to enter the elections was one of the important reasons affecting the picture in the east.
When Map 5 is examined, some conclusions can be drawn about the transformation between 2002-2007. Considering the data of the United Nations Development Program Human Development Index (Table 1), it can be said that a serious improvement has been made in the eastern regions especially in the field of health. When looking at the overall scoring (Chart 1), it is understood that the development speed of the region started to increase between 2002-2007. It is observed that the investments received by Diyarbakır, Mardin and Şanlıurfa between 2003-2009 (Table 2) reached record levels. All this is the eye. Taking into consideration, it is understood that the way leading to the AK Party’s dominant victory in 2007 was prepared by economic factors and demographic development as well as the political environment.
When the general election results of 2011 are analyzed, the effects of rapid development between 2007-2011 can be seen. The eastern base of the AK Party, which started in 2002 and strengthened in 2007, showed itself well in the 2011 elections. Siirt, Şanlıurfa and Gaziantep. Such provinces and some districts have had a conservative orientation. Since there was no united Kurdish party allowed to enter the elections, the Kurdish nationalist and voters close to the left axis voted for independent candidates. The situation is different in Tunceli. Although independent candidates were active in the region in the previous election, it was observed that CHP was dominant in 2011. In this case, it can be said that Tunceli voters are ideologically oriented rather than ethnic, religious and sectarian backgrounds.
Looking at the 2007 and 2011 elections together, it is seen that the lack of a united Kurdish party has not much effect on the voters. As Kurdish political figures began to emerge more prominently in the post-1995 period, a prominent Kurdish-origin voter base was created, especially in the eastern regions. This is an indication that the citizens of Kurdish origin are not getting away from the country’s politics despite the problems. Political roads have been seen as a solution by citizens of Kurdish origin since 1995.
The formation of the aforementioned Kurdish policy has made itself clear in 2015. The fact that the HDP has a prominent electoral base in the east and that Kurdish politics are gradually increasing its votes can be shown as evidence for the search for the mentioned political solution.
When Table 3 is examined, the general attitude of Kurdish voters is more clearly understood. The Kurdish political movement strengthened as Turkish nationalism increased throughout the country. This is an indication that Kurdish politics is a reaction arising from claims. The fact that the independent candidates since 2002 and then the HDP’s votes increased rapidly is an indication that the citizens of Kurdish origin are willing to participate in politics. Besides, it should not be forgotten that HDP has a socialist identity besides its Kurdish identity. The ideological basis also has a significant effect on the increase in the voting rates. The right-wing Kurdish voters were found to be divided into two. While advocating Kurdish nationalism united under Kurdish parties and independent candidates, religiously conservative Kurds united under the roof of conservative parties such as Welfare, Virtue and the AK Party. On the other hand, voters of Kurdish origin, who do not have an ideologically significant side, turned to the parties that provided this at times when demographic investments were increased. When analyzed together with the rest of the country, it can be said that the eastern regions have different political dynamics. While economic factors were more effective in the West, ethnic and religious factors were more effective in the eastern regions. For this reason, it can be said that demographic investments have an impact on the political tendencies of citizens of Kurdish origin, but this trend did not affect the parties they voted for. With the increase in demographic investments, Kurds’ participation in politics has also increased. For this reason, although economic development is not the solution that causes the problem, it indirectly opens the way to a political solution.
Since 1993, terror attacks that took place in Turkey can be achieved more significant results regarding the Kurdish issue is examined. It can be said that the liberalism of Turgut Özal period caused a decrease in terrorist incidents between 1993-1994. The ceasefire announced by Özal’s initiatives has prominently manifested in 1993. Then, it is observed that the increase in 1995 decreased in the coalitions led by RP and ANAP in 1997, respectively. The reason for the increase in 1998 can be shown as the increasing influence of the army in politics after the February 28 period. In 1999, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan was caught and the ceasefire process was re-entered with the PKK. After five years of peace, in 2005, the PKK declared that the military had finished the ceasefire, causing it to restart operations. Clashes intensified until 2009 after this date. The government, which was already nervous with the military authorities, started to openly state that the army caused political crises with the e-memorandum crisis in 2007. The process, which started immediately after this event and known as the “Ergenekon Cases”, was entered in 2008. In the same period, with the start of policies called the Kurdish initiative of the AK Party, the PKK once again declared a ceasefire and stopped its attacks in 2009. In this respect, 2009 was the first year of the peace talks, called the “Resolution Process”. During this period, the text titled “Our Moment” was removed, negotiations were held with Abdullah Öcalan, and the first political party was established under the name “Kurdistan”. By 2013, the success of the process started to be seen. The PKK stopped its attacks. In 2011 and 2012, a group that did not support the solution process left the organization under the name TAK. Nearly all of the attacks that took place during this period were taken over by TAK.With the failure of the solution process in 2014, the PKK took up arms again and started its attacks. Terrorism originating from PKK-TAK-HPG-YPG has reached record levels.
The point to look at in analyzing terrorist attacks is the political tendencies of citizens of Kurdish origin. The PKK declared a ceasefire in various periods, and re-weapon in various periods. Peace studies have been repeatedly put forward with various reasons and have been inconclusive. Considering the election results examined in the previous heading, there is a clear result. Citizens of Kurdish origin continued to participate in politics even when terrorist incidents were most severe. After the peace efforts of Turgut Özal, the Kurds systematically entered the elections under a party in 1995 for the first time. Many political parties with different names were established in the following periods, but they could not continue their political life. When the election results made during these periods are analyzed, it is seen that the voter base of Kurdish ethnic origin mostly protects the game. In the absence of parties, the political way was applied through an independent candidate.
Due to the different factors and events originating from abroad, there are no further analyzes in the periodic changes of terrorist attacks. Syria, Iraq and the events in Iran is directly related to the Kurdish problem in Turkey. The lack of stable region affects the terror that reason in Turkey. Therefore, while investigating the Kurdish problem, which is an ethnic identity problem, terrorist incidents should not be expected to provide a sound information.
As a result, considering the demographic investments, election results and peace periods, the orientation of the voter of Kurdish origin becomes clear. During the period when the investment to the east increased and development was achieved, the politics in the region worked better. In these periods when politics functioned healthier, an appropriate environment was created for peace movements. This is the factor that causes terrorist events to decrease periodically.
The Republic of Turkey since 1965, which enacted “Civil Servants Act” in certain areas of public officials is implementing policies of forced labor in varying proportions. This practice for equalizing economic and human development has been partially found right and partially wrong by the public.
People who reside or migrate from the eastern regions have said that they do not find it right. The demand of the region’s teacher needs to be met from the people of the region provides the majority in the interviews conducted in the region. In addition, another element complained of is that officers who are appointed as compulsory are biased towards the people with some kind of “exile” psychology. In many interviews, this discomfort was expressed, and there are also citizens of eastern origin who are satisfied with the application. The idea that cultural interaction is increased, prejudices are broken and contribution to the development of the region is partially found in citizens of eastern origin.
People who live or migrate from these regions mostly support the practice. It was stated that this practice should continue for the development of the region, otherwise public services will be disrupted. Another approach in the West is based on Turkish nationalism. It has been argued that this practice is necessary for citizens of Kurdish origin to learn and adopt Turkish culture.
Kurdish issue is one one of the Republic’s undeniable problems. This problem, which has been felt since the first years of the Republic, has gained an ethnic identity after the 1980 military coup. Since 1987, the issue of the Orient, which turned into a Kurdish problem with the decrease of the influence of the military in the administration, started to gain the identity of terrorism problem.
The thing to do is to approach the issue objectively and within human dimensions. Ignoring the problem, deniing the existence of Kurdish ethnicity, and seeing the investments made in the east as a blessing from the west to the people of the region will only fuel the problem.
The people of the Republic of Turkey “citizenship” and “equality” should mean that the questioning of the case load. Due to its nature, the Anatolian and Balkan geography does not offer a healthy environment for nation states. Multiculturalism should be made one of the cornerstones of the country.
Research has shown that as the investments in the region increase and the restrictions on the basic rights of the people of the region are lifted, citizens of Kurdish origin have increased participation in politics. Othering discourses need to come to an end and the elements that require uniform citizenship in our legal system should be changed. Otherwise, demographic investments will only have temporary effects.
Practices regarding the execution of public services have been enacted with valid reasons and a correct approach. This should be more accurately expressed to people. It should be highlighted that the work done is not to educate the westerners, but that all citizens develop the country.
Researchs and Books
ADANIR, Oğuz. Kültür ile Zihniyet. Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, Year 6, Number 23. (Istanbul: Doğu Batı Yayınları, 2003)
ALTUN, Nurullah. Identity in Modern Turkey: From Kurdish Identity to Kurdish Issue. Journal of Academic Inquiries, Volume 8, Number 2. (Sakarya: Sakarya University, 2013)
ANIK, Mehmet. Kimlik ve Çokkültürcülük Sosyolojisi. (Istanbul: Açılım Kitap, 2012)
BEŞİKÇİ, İsmail. Doğu Anadolu’nun Düzeni: Sosyo-ekonomik ve etnik temeller. (Istanbul: E. Yayınları, 1969), 258-259. in Sinan Zeyneloğlu, H. Yaprak Civelek ve Yadigâr Coşkun, Anthropological and demographic dimensions of the Kurdish question: Findings from census and survey data. International Journal of Human Sciences, Volume 8, Number 1
GEZİCİ, Aytekin. Kürt Tarihi. (Ankara: Tutku Yayınevi, 2015)
KILIÇBAY, Mehmet. Kimlikler Okyanusu. Doğu Batı Düşünce Dergisi, Yıl 6, Sayı 23. (Istanbul: Doğu Batı Yayınları, 2003)
ÖNDER, Ali Tayyar. Türkiye’nin Etnik Yapısı. (Ankara: Kripto Yayınları, 2009)
SEN, Amartya. Identity and Violence. trans. Ahmet Kardam. (Istanbul: Optimist Yayınları, 2010)
TÜRKDOĞAN, Orhan. Türkiye’nin Etnik Yapısı, (Konya: Çizgi Kitabevi, 2013)
YAYMAN, Hüseyin. Şark Meselesinden Demokratik Açılıma Türkiye’nin Kürt Sorunu Hafızası. (Ankara: Seta Yayınları, 2011)
ZEYNELOĞLU, Sinan, H. Yaprak Civelek ve Yadigâr Coşkun. Anthropological and demographic dimensions of the Kurdish question: Findings from census and survey data. International Journal of Human Sciences, Volume 8, Number 1
United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Index, 1990-2015 Turkey Reports
Republic of Turkey State Planning Office, 1990-1994 Sixth Five Year Development Programme
Turkish Grand National Assembly Human Rights Comission, Report on Investigation of Violations of the Right to Life in the Scope of Terrorism and Violence Incidents, 2013
Tables, Charts, Maps
High Election Council, Election Archives
Indigo Dergisi, Terrorist Incidents that Happened in Turkey: 1993-2018, available in 24.05.2020: https://indigodergisi.com/2018/01/turkiye-teror-olaylari-1993-2018/
Presidency of Republic of Turkey Strategy and Budget Office, Most Invested Provinces Report, 2018